A pedagogia universitária pode ser compreendida como um espaço em movimento, no qual se pode analisar e compreender os fenômenos de aprender e de ensinar as profissões, sobretudo um espaço no qual a própria docência universitária em ação pode ser constantemente reconstruída. Um conceito basilar da pedagogia universitária é o conhecimento compartilhado que envolve
A partir de década de 1960, emergem movimentos e grupos com uma função reivindicativa, promovendo uma articulação entre a luta pela consolidação de uma universidade pública, gratuita e de qualidade e uma política de assistência estudantil. Nesse processo, para que a assistência estudantil entrasse na agenda política nacional, assumiu um papel de protagonista
O conceito de evasão não é consensual entre os autores, o que provoca dificuldades de comparação e induz a interpretações enganosas. Segundo as diversas pesquisas e dados oficiais do MEC, o índice de evasão no ensino superior é assustadoramente alto, de aproximadamente 45%. No entanto, o significado dessa aparente evasão não é necessariamente ruim. Boa parte dela pode significar apenas mudança de curso. Diante da diversidade de significado do conceito, a evasão no ensino superior pode ser entendida como de dois tipos: a evasão aparente e a real, sendo que
Uma escola solicitou que cada um de seus 320 estudantes escolhessem apenas um único esporte para comprar uniformes. A tabela a seguir indica apenas alguns dos resultados da pesquisa, mas eles permitem completar os dados que faltam.
ESPORTE
vôlei
futebol
basquete
Total
Meninos
40
32
180
Meninas
20
Total
60
80
Assim, conclui-se que a porcentagem de meninas que escolheram futebol, em relação ao total de estudantes, é:
Em uma porta de madeira de formato retangular, deseja-se recortar uma parte para colocar uma placa de vidro, também retangular, cuja área é de 1,12 !$ m^2 !$. A localização dessa placa é determinada pela medida x, conforme mostra a figura. A porta tem 1,6 m de comprimento por 2,0 m de altura.
Assim uma equação que permite determinar a medida x é:
In 1787, the year the Constitution was adopted in the USA, Thomas Jefferson famously wrote to a friend, “Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”
That’s how he felt before he became president, anyway. Twenty years later, after enduring the oversight of the press from inside the White House, he was less sure of its value. “Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper,” he wrote. “Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle.”
Jefferson’s discomfort was, and remains, understandable. Reporting the news in an open society is an enterprise laced with conflict. His discomfort also illustrates the need for the right of free press he helped to preserve. As the founders believed from their own experience, a well-informed public is best equipped to root out corruption and, over the long haul, promotes liberty and justice. “Public discussion is a political duty,” the Supreme Court said in 1964. That discussion must be “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open” and “may well include vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials.”
No trecho do terceiro parágrafo – That discussion must be “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open” –, o termo em destaque pode ser substituído, sem alteração de sentido, por
In 1787, the year the Constitution was adopted in the USA, Thomas Jefferson famously wrote to a friend, “Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”
That’s how he felt before he became president, anyway. Twenty years later, after enduring the oversight of the press from inside the White House, he was less sure of its value. “Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper,” he wrote. “Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle.”
Jefferson’s discomfort was, and remains, understandable. Reporting the news in an open society is an enterprise laced with conflict. His discomfort also illustrates the need for the right of free press he helped to preserve. As the founders believed from their own experience, a well-informed public is best equipped to root out corruption and, over the long haul, promotes liberty and justice. “Public discussion is a political duty,” the Supreme Court said in 1964. That discussion must be “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open” and “may well include vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials.”
In 1787, the year the Constitution was adopted in the USA, Thomas Jefferson famously wrote to a friend, “Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”
That’s how he felt before he became president, anyway. Twenty years later, after enduring the oversight of the press from inside the White House, he was less sure of its value. “Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper,” he wrote. “Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle.”
Jefferson’s discomfort was, and remains, understandable. Reporting the news in an open society is an enterprise laced with conflict. His discomfort also illustrates the need for the right of free press he helped to preserve. As the founders believed from their own experience, a well-informed public is best equipped to root out corruption and, over the long haul, promotes liberty and justice. “Public discussion is a political duty,” the Supreme Court said in 1964. That discussion must be “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open” and “may well include vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials.”