Question 25 must be answered based on the following text.

“‘English Only': The movement to limit Spanish speaking in US’”

“The reactions against people who speak Spanish are probably not new," says Heidi Beirich, a researcher at the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). The SPLC monitors hate groups in the US, which they define as any organisation that - based on its official statements or principles, the statements of its leaders, or its activities - has beliefs or practices that attack or malign an entire class of people, typically for their immutable characteristics. In this sense, the SPLC qualifies as hate groups several organisations that it considers anti-immigrant, such as the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and the Washington DC-based Center for Immigration Studies (CIS).

Also on their list is ProEnglish, which advocates for English to be designated as the official language of the United States. All of them were created in recent decades by John Tanton, a white American far-right nationalist, who died in July of this year. Mr. Tanton founded at least 12 anti-immigrant organisations, six of which have been designated hate groups by the SPLC. The aforementioned ProEnglish is one of the main organisations pushing the "English Only" movement, also known as "English First" or "Official English" movement. Part of ProEnglish's official platform states: "In a pluralistic nation such as ours, the function of government should be to foster and support the similarities that unite us, rather than institutionalise the differences that divide us." The organisation focuses its efforts on lobbying to convince legislators and public opinion of the need to adopt English as an official language at all levels of government.

While ProEnglish establishes on its website that "the right to use other languages must be respected", the group has been criticised by those who consider their agenda to be discriminatory. “They are careful to be called ProEnglish and not ‘antiSpanish’. But it is clear that their ideology is supremacist, referring to English as a symbol of US cultural heritage when this country has never been a project only in English, says SPLC researcher Heidi Beirich.

Adapted from: DIÉZ, Beatriz. “‘English Only': The movement to limit Spanish speaking in US’”. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-50550742

Question 22 must be answered based on the following poem.

Brazil, January 1, 1502

Elizabeth Bishop

[...]

Januaries, Nature greets our eyes

exactly as she must have greeted theirs:

every square inch filling in with foliage––

big leaves, little leaves, and giant leaves,

blue, blue-green, and olive,

with occasional lighter veins and edges,

or a satin underleaf turned over;

monster fernsin silver-gray relief,

and flowers, too, like giant water lilies

up in the air––up, rather, in the leaves––

purple, yellow, two yellows, pink,

rust red and greenish white;

solid but airy; fresh as if just finished

and taken off the frame.

A blue-white sky, a simple web,

backing for feathery detail:

brief arcs, a pale-green broken wheel,

a few palms, swarthy, squat, but delicate;

and perching there in profile, beaks agape,

the big symbolic birds keep quiet,

each showing only half his puffed and padded,

pure-colored or spotted breast.

Still in the foreground there is Sin:

five sooty dragons near some massy rocks.

threatened from underneath by moss

in lovely hell-green flames,

attacked abThe rocks are worked with lichens, gray moonbursts

splattered and overlapping,

ove

by scaling-ladder vines, oblique and neat,

“one leaf yes and one leaf no” (in Portuguese).

The lizards scarcely breathe; all eye

sare on the smaller, female one, back-to,

her wicked tail straight up and over,

red as a red-hot wire.

Just so the Christians, hard as nails,

tiny as nails, glinting,

in creaking armor, came and found it all,

not unfamiliar:

no lovers’ walks, no bowers,

no cherries to be picked, no lute music,

but corresponding, nevertheless,

to an old dream of wealth and luxury

already out of style when they left home––

wealth, plus a brand-new pleasure.

Directly after Mass, humming perhaps

L’Homme armé or some such tune,

they ripped away into the hanging fabric,

each out to catch an Indian for himself––

those maddening little women who kept calling,

calling to each other (or had the birds waked up?)

and retreating, always retreating, behind it.

Adapted from: https://voetica.com/poem/2759

Question 18 must be answered based on the following excerpt.

Read the excerpt below from Pennycook’s The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language and answer the following question.

More important for understanding the global spread of English are close and detailed understandings of the ways in which English is embedded in local economies of desire. We need to evaluate the global spread of English, and the role of English language teachers as its agents, critically and carefully in order to appreciate the ways in which demand for English is part of a larger picture of images of change, modernization, access and longing. It is tied to the languages, cultures, styles and aesthetics of popular culture with its particular attractions for youth, rebellion and conformity; it is enmeshed within local economies, and all the inclusions, exclusions and inequalities this may entail; it is bound up with changing modes of communication, from shifting internet uses to its role in text-messaging; it is increasingly entrenched in educational systems, bringing to the fore many concerns about knowledge, pedagogy, culture and curriculum. [...] To understand the power and politics of ELT, then, we need detailed understandings of the role English plays in relation to local languages, politics and economies. [...] We are never just teaching something called English but rather we are involved in economic and social change, cultural renewal, people’s dreams and desires.

Adapted from: PENNYCOOK, Alastair. The cultural politics of English as an international language. London: Longman, 1994.

Questions 15 and 16 must be answered based on the following text.

The term methods, as currently used in the literature on second and foreign language (L2) teaching, does not refer to what teachers actually do in the classroom; rather, it refers to established methods conceptualized and constructed by experts in the field. The exact number of methods that are commonly used is unclear. A book published in the mid sixties, for instance, provides a list of fifteen “most common” types of methods “still in use in one form or another in various parts of the world” (Mackey, 1965, p. 151). Two books published in the mid eighties (Larsen-Freeman, 1986; and Richards and Rodgers, 1986)—which have longoccupied the top two ranks among the books prescribed for methods classes in the United States—provide, between them, a list of eleven methods that are currently used. They are (in alphabetical order): Audiolingual Method, Communicative Methods, Community Language Learning, Direct Method, Grammar-Translation Method, Natural Approach, Oral Approach, Silent Way, Situational Language Teaching, Suggestopedia, and Total Physical Response.

It would be wrong to assume that these eleven methods provide eleven different paths to language teaching. In fact, there is considerable overlap in their theoretical as well as practical approaches to L2 learning and teaching. Sometimes, as Wilga Rivers (1991, p. 283) rightly points out, what appears to be a radically new method is more often than not a variant of existing methods presented with “the fresh paint of a new terminology that camouflages their fundamental similarity.” It is therefore useful, for the purpose of analysis and understanding, to cluster these methods in terms of certain identifiable common features. One way of doing that is to classify them as (a) language-centered methods, (b) learner-centered methods, and (c) learning-centered methods.

Adapted from: Kumaravadivelu, B. Beyond Methods: Macrostrategies for language teaching.

Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003.