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In the literature on language learning, one particular process has commonly been singled out for explication: transfer. The term describes the carryover of previous performance or knowledge to subsequent learning. Positive transfer occurs when the prior knowledge benefits the learning task; negative transfer, or interference, occurs when previous performance disrupts the performance of a second task.

It has been common in second language teaching to stress the role of interference. This is of course not surprising, as native language interference is surely the most immediately noticeable source of error among second language learners. The saliency of interference is strong. For example, a French native speaker might say in English, “I am in New York since January,” a perfectly logical transfer of the French sentence “Je suis a New York depuis Janvier.” Because of the negative transfer of the French verb form to English, the French system has, in this case, interfered with the person’s production of a correct English form.

It is exceedingly important to remember, however, that the native language of a second language learner is often positively transferred, in which case the learner benefits from the facilitating effects of the first language. In the above sentence, for example, the correct one-to-one word order correspondence, the personal pronoun, and the preposition have been positively transferred from French to English. We often mistakenly overlook the facilitating effects of the native language in our appetite for analyzing errors in the second language and for overstressing the interfering effects of the first language.

(Douglas Brown. Principles of language learning and teaching, 2000. Adaptado)

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In the literature on language learning, one particular process has commonly been singled out for explication: transfer. The term describes the carryover of previous performance or knowledge to subsequent learning. Positive transfer occurs when the prior knowledge benefits the learning task; negative transfer, or interference, occurs when previous performance disrupts the performance of a second task.

It has been common in second language teaching to stress the role of interference. This is of course not surprising, as native language interference is surely the most immediately noticeable source of error among second language learners. The saliency of interference is strong. For example, a French native speaker might say in English, “I am in New York since January,” a perfectly logical transfer of the French sentence “Je suis a New York depuis Janvier.” Because of the negative transfer of the French verb form to English, the French system has, in this case, interfered with the person’s production of a correct English form.

It is exceedingly important to remember, however, that the native language of a second language learner is often positively transferred, in which case the learner benefits from the facilitating effects of the first language. In the above sentence, for example, the correct one-to-one word order correspondence, the personal pronoun, and the preposition have been positively transferred from French to English. We often mistakenly overlook the facilitating effects of the native language in our appetite for analyzing errors in the second language and for overstressing the interfering effects of the first language.

(Douglas Brown. Principles of language learning and teaching, 2000. Adaptado)

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Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus, as there is no equivalent in English for the ‘click’ in the South African language Xhosa, English speakers find it difficult to produce. British speakers mangle French vowels because they are not the same as the English ones. Japanese speakers, on the other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty differentiating between them.

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close relationship between sounds and spelling, in English this is often not the case. The sound /∧/, for example, can be realized in a number of different spellings (e.g. won, young, funny, flood). The letters ou, on the other hand, can be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. enough, through, though, and even journey). A lot depends on the sounds that come before or after them, but the fact remains that we spell some sounds in a variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for the same spelling.

(Jeremy Harmer. The practice of English language teaching, 2007)

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Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus, as there is no equivalent in English for the ‘click’ in the South African language Xhosa, English speakers find it difficult to produce. British speakers mangle French vowels because they are not the same as the English ones. Japanese speakers, on the other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty differentiating between them.

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close relationship between sounds and spelling, in English this is often not the case. The sound /∧/, for example, can be realized in a number of different spellings (e.g. won, young, funny, flood). The letters ou, on the other hand, can be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. enough, through, though, and even journey). A lot depends on the sounds that come before or after them, but the fact remains that we spell some sounds in a variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for the same spelling.

(Jeremy Harmer. The practice of English language teaching, 2007)

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Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus, as there is no equivalent in English for the ‘click’ in the South African language Xhosa, English speakers find it difficult to produce. British speakers mangle French vowels because they are not the same as the English ones. Japanese speakers, on the other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty differentiating between them.

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close relationship between sounds and spelling, in English this is often not the case. The sound /∧/, for example, can be realized in a number of different spellings (e.g. won, young, funny, flood). The letters ou, on the other hand, can be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. enough, through, though, and even journey). A lot depends on the sounds that come before or after them, but the fact remains that we spell some sounds in a variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for the same spelling.

(Jeremy Harmer. The practice of English language teaching, 2007)

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão.

Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus, as there is no equivalent in English for the ‘click’ in the South African language Xhosa, English speakers find it difficult to produce. British speakers mangle French vowels because they are not the same as the English ones. Japanese speakers, on the other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty differentiating between them.

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close relationship between sounds and spelling, in English this is often not the case. The sound /∧/, for example, can be realized in a number of different spellings (e.g. won, young, funny, flood). The letters ou, on the other hand, can be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. enough, through, though, and even journey). A lot depends on the sounds that come before or after them, but the fact remains that we spell some sounds in a variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for the same spelling.

(Jeremy Harmer. The practice of English language teaching, 2007)

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão.

Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus, as there is no equivalent in English for the ‘click’ in the South African language Xhosa, English speakers find it difficult to produce. British speakers mangle French vowels because they are not the same as the English ones. Japanese speakers, on the other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty differentiating between them.

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close relationship between sounds and spelling, in English this is often not the case. The sound /∧/, for example, can be realized in a number of different spellings (e.g. won, young, funny, flood). The letters ou, on the other hand, can be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. enough, through, though, and even journey). A lot depends on the sounds that come before or after them, but the fact remains that we spell some sounds in a variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for the same spelling.

(Jeremy Harmer. The practice of English language teaching, 2007)

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Below is an excerpt from a conversation between the reporter Katty Kay and Jonathan Haidt who, with his book The Anxious Generation, sparked a global reckoning about mobile phone usage among children when it came out last year.

Katty Kay: It’s been a year since your book came out and caused a huge conversation. I wanted to start by getting a kind of report card of where we are on the various aspects of what you put forward: phones in school, age gating, social media, getting kids to have more free playtime. Who’s doing well and who isn’t in America on all of those issues?

Jonathan Haidt: I knew that the book was going to be popular. What I wasn’t prepared for is that this issue would spread like wildfire around the world, not just in the US. Because around the world, family life has turned into a fight over screen time. Everyone hates it. Everyone sees it.

Where it took off most quickly was phone-free schools, because that is something that is more easily done. It’s so hard to teach to a classroom when half of them are watching short videos and playing video games. So, the teachers have hated the phones from the beginning but they were afraid, especially in America – maybe it’s the same in other countries – but in America, there are a lot of parents who want to be able to communicate all the time with their child, and they think they have a right to check in on their child. And, ‘What if something goes wrong? I need to be there.’ So, the overparenting — ...

KK: That’s a paradox, then, because you’ve got the parents who are super worried about the phones; they see what phones are doing to their kids. But they also don’t want their kids to relinquish their phones when they go into school.

JH: Hey, look, people are complicated! They contain multitudes. And I shouldn’t say that everyone saw the problem, because there were a lot of parents who saw the phone as a lifeline. They see the world as very threatening and dangerous. But we have to focus on what it will take to allow kids to have healthy brain development through puberty. We’ve got to give kids a lot less screen time. A lot less fragmenting time. No TikTok. No short videos. Let’s give them a lot more experience interacting with people.

(Katty Kay. www.bbc.com, 10.04.2025. Adaptado)

Leia a entrevista a seguir para responder à questão.

Below is an excerpt from a conversation between the reporter Katty Kay and Jonathan Haidt who, with his book The Anxious Generation, sparked a global reckoning about mobile phone usage among children when it came out last year.

Katty Kay: It’s been a year since your book came out and caused a huge conversation. I wanted to start by getting a kind of report card of where we are on the various aspects of what you put forward: phones in school, age gating, social media, getting kids to have more free playtime. Who’s doing well and who isn’t in America on all of those issues?

Jonathan Haidt: I knew that the book was going to be popular. What I wasn’t prepared for is that this issue would spread like wildfire around the world, not just in the US. Because around the world, family life has turned into a fight over screen time. Everyone hates it. Everyone sees it.

Where it took off most quickly was phone-free schools, because that is something that is more easily done. It’s so hard to teach to a classroom when half of them are watching short videos and playing video games. So, the teachers have hated the phones from the beginning but they were afraid, especially in America – maybe it’s the same in other countries – but in America, there are a lot of parents who want to be able to communicate all the time with their child, and they think they have a right to check in on their child. And, ‘What if something goes wrong? I need to be there.’ So, the overparenting — ...

KK: That’s a paradox, then, because you’ve got the parents who are super worried about the phones; they see what phones are doing to their kids. But they also don’t want their kids to relinquish their phones when they go into school.

JH: Hey, look, people are complicated! They contain multitudes. And I shouldn’t say that everyone saw the problem, because there were a lot of parents who saw the phone as a lifeline. They see the world as very threatening and dangerous. But we have to focus on what it will take to allow kids to have healthy brain development through puberty. We’ve got to give kids a lot less screen time. A lot less fragmenting time. No TikTok. No short videos. Let’s give them a lot more experience interacting with people.

(Katty Kay. www.bbc.com, 10.04.2025. Adaptado)