Magna Concursos

Foram encontradas 45.579 questões.

3444544 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: CESPE / CEBRASPE
Orgão: TC-DF

The philosopher Jeremy Bentham was regarded as the founder of utilitarianism and a leading advocate of the separation of church and state, freedom of expression, and individual legal rights. Furthermore, the “panopticon” is a type of institutional building that has long dominated Bentham’s legacy. As a work of architecture, the panopticon allows a watchman in a central tower to observe occupants of surrounding cells without the occupants knowing whether or not they are being watched. As a metaphor, the panopticon was commandeered in the latter half of the 20th century as a way to trace the surveillance tendencies of disciplinarian societies. Is it still a useful way to think about surveillance today?

The French philosopher Michel Foucault used the idea of the panopticon as a way to illustrate the proclivity of disciplinary societies to subjugate its citizens. He describes the prisoner of a panopticon as being at the receiving end of asymmetrical surveillance: “He is seen, but he does not see.” As a consequence, the inmate polices himself for fear of punishment.

The parallels between the panopticon and surveillance cameras may be obvious, but what happens when you step into the world of digital surveillance and data capture? Unlike the panopticon, citizens don’t know they are being watched. Jake Goldenfein, from the University of Melbourne, tells me it’s important to remember the corrective purposes of Bentham’s panopticon when considering it as a metaphor for modern surveillance. “The relevance of the panopticon as a metaphor begins to wither when we start thinking about whether contemporary types of visuality are analogous to the central tower concept. For example, whether this type of visuality is as asymmetrical, and being co-opted for the same political exercise.” In the panopticon the occupants are constantly aware of the threat of being watched — this is the whole point — but state surveillance on the Internet is invisible; there is no looming tower, no dead-eye lens staring at you every time you enter a URL. There may not be a central tower, but there will be communicating sensors in our most intimate objects.

Internet: <theguardian.com> (adapted).

Based on the previous text, judge the following items

It can be concluded from the text that, for Michel Foucault, the panopticon is a powerful illustration of the symmetrical relations that take part in organized societies.

 

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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443422 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
De acordo com a autora do texto, um dos desafios para realizar as mudanças necessárias para tornar o ensino de Inglês eficaz, dever ser implementado principalmente:
 

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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443421 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
No quinto parágrafo do texto, o termo “acknowledge” pode ser substituído, sem prejuízo de significado, por:
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443420 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
No quarto parágrafo do texto, o termo “policies” pode ser definido como:
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443419 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
No trecho “If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly”, o termo em destaque classifica-se como:
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443418 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
O paradoxo existente no baixo número de alunos que sabem falar Inglês é o fato de que:
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
3443417 Ano: 2024
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: SELECON
Orgão: Pref. Cuiabá-MT
Provas:
TEXT:


For a national policy on English language teaching
Cíntia Toth Gonçalves
According to the survey Demandas de aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil [Demand for English Learning in Brazil, British Council, 2013], only 5.1 per cent of the population aged 16 or more claim to have some knowledge of English. This claim, however, is more a question of perception and does not necessarily translate into actual knowledge of the language. Among the younger people, aged from 18 to 24 — who have completed or are about to complete their secondary education — the number claiming to speak English doubles, to 10.3 per cent.
Even so, this is a low percentage if we consider that most Brazilian students spend at least seven years studying English at school – more specifically, from the sixth grade of lower secondary education to the third grade of upper secondary education, for an average of two hours a week. There are also students who take English lessons at private language institutions or on courses offered before or after class by the public networks themselves.
If we want to disrupt this situation and offer quality English teaching for all as part of the basic curriculum, we have to understand what it is during their time at school that determines whether or not they learn the language properly. Thinking about the system, how is policy made and implemented for teaching English in state-run schools? What are the basic elements that a state education department needs for an English teaching programme?
Finding answers to these questions is essential if we want to understand how English language teaching functions in our country. We need to recognise the good practices existing in parts of Brazil and other countries that improve English teaching and learning and that can help formulate new and more comprehensive public policies, through more informed discussion.
We must also acknowledge the Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) [Common National Curricular Base] progress towards teaching the language as a social practice, rather than just as a list of grammatical content. This change in the approach to English language teaching can and must have a prominent role in the personal, academic and professional training of students, helping make them into global citizens.
One of the challenges of my work at the British Council is to design and develop projects, in partnership with Brazilian public managers at national and subnational level, for improvements in English teaching. Brazil is a vast and diverse country, and with 85 per cent of Brazilian students in public schools, this is where change must be made, particularly in the state education network, which bears most responsibility for teaching foreign languages and, as from 2020, for teaching English.
Available in: Public Policies for English Teaching - An Overview of Brazilian Public Network Experience - British Council - 2019
De acordo com o estudo “Demandas de Aprendizagem de Inglês no Brasil”, o número de jovens que concluíram ou que estão prestes a concluir o ensino médio e alegam falar Inglês, pode ser expresso pela frase:
 

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As Starvation Spreads in Sudan, Military Blocks Aid Trucks at Border

A country torn apart by civil war could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades, experts said.

As Sudan hurtles toward famine, its military is blocking the United Nations from bringing enormous amounts of food into the country through a vital border crossing, effectively cutting off aid to hundreds of thousands of starving people during the depths of a civil war.

Experts warn that Sudan, barely functioning after 15 months of fighting, could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades. But the Sudanese military’s refusal to let U.N. aid convoys through the crossing is thwarting the kind of all-out relief effort that aid groups say is needed to prevent hundreds of thousands of deaths — as many as 2.5 million, according to one estimate — by the end of this year. The risk is greatest in Darfur, the Spain-sized region that suffered a genocide two decades ago. Of the 14 Sudanese districts at immediate risk of famine, eight are in Darfur, right across the border that the United Nations is trying to cross. Time is running out to help them.

The closed border point, a subject of increasingly urgent appeals from American officials, is at Adré, the main crossing from Chad into Sudan. At the border, little more than a concrete bollard in a driedout riverbed, just about everything seems to flow: refugees and traders, four-wheeled motorbikes carrying animal skins, and donkey carts laden with barrels of fuel.

What is forbidden from crossing into Sudan, however, are the U.N. trucks filled with food that are urgently needed in Darfur, where experts say that 440,000 people are already on the brink of starvation. Refugees fleeing Darfur now say that hunger, not conflict, is the main reason they left. [...] The Sudanese military imposed the edict at the crossing five months ago, supposedly to prohibit weapons smuggling. It seems to make little sense. Arms, cash and fighters continue to flow into Sudan elsewhere on the 870-mile border that is mostly controlled by its enemy, a heavily armed paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces, or R.S.F. The military doesn’t even control the crossing at Adré, where R.S.F. fighters stand 100 yards behind the border on the Sudanese side.

Even so, the U.N. says it must respect the order not to cross from the military, which is based in Port Sudan 1,000 miles to the east, because it is Sudan’s sovereign authority. Instead U.N. trucks are forced to make an arduous 200-mile detour north to Tine, at a crossing controlled by a militia allied with Sudan’s army, where they are allowed to enter Darfur.

The diversion is dangerous, expensive and takes up to five times as long as going through Adré. Only a fraction of the required aid is getting through Tine — 320 trucks of food since February, U.N. officials say, instead of the thousands that are needed. The Tine crossing was closed for most of this week after seasonal rains turned the border into a river.

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing emergency levels of hunger went from 1.7 million to seven million.

As the prospect of mass starvation in Sudan draws closer, the Adré closure has become a central focus of efforts by the United States, by far the largest donor, to ramp up the emergency aid effort. “This obstruction is completely unacceptable,” Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the United States ambassador to the U.N., recently told reporters. [...].

(Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/26/world/africa/sudan-starvation-militaryborder.html?te=1&nl=the-morning&emc=edit_nn_20240726 Acesso em 26/07/2024 às 9:30)

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing

Quanto tempo os caminhões da ONU levam para percorrer a rota alternativa até Tine, em comparação à rota direta por Adré?
 

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As Starvation Spreads in Sudan, Military Blocks Aid Trucks at Border

A country torn apart by civil war could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades, experts said.

As Sudan hurtles toward famine, its military is blocking the United Nations from bringing enormous amounts of food into the country through a vital border crossing, effectively cutting off aid to hundreds of thousands of starving people during the depths of a civil war.

Experts warn that Sudan, barely functioning after 15 months of fighting, could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades. But the Sudanese military’s refusal to let U.N. aid convoys through the crossing is thwarting the kind of all-out relief effort that aid groups say is needed to prevent hundreds of thousands of deaths — as many as 2.5 million, according to one estimate — by the end of this year. The risk is greatest in Darfur, the Spain-sized region that suffered a genocide two decades ago. Of the 14 Sudanese districts at immediate risk of famine, eight are in Darfur, right across the border that the United Nations is trying to cross. Time is running out to help them.

The closed border point, a subject of increasingly urgent appeals from American officials, is at Adré, the main crossing from Chad into Sudan. At the border, little more than a concrete bollard in a driedout riverbed, just about everything seems to flow: refugees and traders, four-wheeled motorbikes carrying animal skins, and donkey carts laden with barrels of fuel.

What is forbidden from crossing into Sudan, however, are the U.N. trucks filled with food that are urgently needed in Darfur, where experts say that 440,000 people are already on the brink of starvation. Refugees fleeing Darfur now say that hunger, not conflict, is the main reason they left. [...] The Sudanese military imposed the edict at the crossing five months ago, supposedly to prohibit weapons smuggling. It seems to make little sense. Arms, cash and fighters continue to flow into Sudan elsewhere on the 870-mile border that is mostly controlled by its enemy, a heavily armed paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces, or R.S.F. The military doesn’t even control the crossing at Adré, where R.S.F. fighters stand 100 yards behind the border on the Sudanese side.

Even so, the U.N. says it must respect the order not to cross from the military, which is based in Port Sudan 1,000 miles to the east, because it is Sudan’s sovereign authority. Instead U.N. trucks are forced to make an arduous 200-mile detour north to Tine, at a crossing controlled by a militia allied with Sudan’s army, where they are allowed to enter Darfur.

The diversion is dangerous, expensive and takes up to five times as long as going through Adré. Only a fraction of the required aid is getting through Tine — 320 trucks of food since February, U.N. officials say, instead of the thousands that are needed. The Tine crossing was closed for most of this week after seasonal rains turned the border into a river.

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing emergency levels of hunger went from 1.7 million to seven million.

As the prospect of mass starvation in Sudan draws closer, the Adré closure has become a central focus of efforts by the United States, by far the largest donor, to ramp up the emergency aid effort. “This obstruction is completely unacceptable,” Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the United States ambassador to the U.N., recently told reporters. [...].

(Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/26/world/africa/sudan-starvation-militaryborder.html?te=1&nl=the-morning&emc=edit_nn_20240726 Acesso em 26/07/2024 às 9:30)

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing

O que flui livremente através da fronteira de Adré, exceto ajuda humanitária?
 

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As Starvation Spreads in Sudan, Military Blocks Aid Trucks at Border

A country torn apart by civil war could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades, experts said.

As Sudan hurtles toward famine, its military is blocking the United Nations from bringing enormous amounts of food into the country through a vital border crossing, effectively cutting off aid to hundreds of thousands of starving people during the depths of a civil war.

Experts warn that Sudan, barely functioning after 15 months of fighting, could soon face one of the world’s worst famines in decades. But the Sudanese military’s refusal to let U.N. aid convoys through the crossing is thwarting the kind of all-out relief effort that aid groups say is needed to prevent hundreds of thousands of deaths — as many as 2.5 million, according to one estimate — by the end of this year. The risk is greatest in Darfur, the Spain-sized region that suffered a genocide two decades ago. Of the 14 Sudanese districts at immediate risk of famine, eight are in Darfur, right across the border that the United Nations is trying to cross. Time is running out to help them.

The closed border point, a subject of increasingly urgent appeals from American officials, is at Adré, the main crossing from Chad into Sudan. At the border, little more than a concrete bollard in a driedout riverbed, just about everything seems to flow: refugees and traders, four-wheeled motorbikes carrying animal skins, and donkey carts laden with barrels of fuel.

What is forbidden from crossing into Sudan, however, are the U.N. trucks filled with food that are urgently needed in Darfur, where experts say that 440,000 people are already on the brink of starvation. Refugees fleeing Darfur now say that hunger, not conflict, is the main reason they left. [...] The Sudanese military imposed the edict at the crossing five months ago, supposedly to prohibit weapons smuggling. It seems to make little sense. Arms, cash and fighters continue to flow into Sudan elsewhere on the 870-mile border that is mostly controlled by its enemy, a heavily armed paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces, or R.S.F. The military doesn’t even control the crossing at Adré, where R.S.F. fighters stand 100 yards behind the border on the Sudanese side.

Even so, the U.N. says it must respect the order not to cross from the military, which is based in Port Sudan 1,000 miles to the east, because it is Sudan’s sovereign authority. Instead U.N. trucks are forced to make an arduous 200-mile detour north to Tine, at a crossing controlled by a militia allied with Sudan’s army, where they are allowed to enter Darfur.

The diversion is dangerous, expensive and takes up to five times as long as going through Adré. Only a fraction of the required aid is getting through Tine — 320 trucks of food since February, U.N. officials say, instead of the thousands that are needed. The Tine crossing was closed for most of this week after seasonal rains turned the border into a river.

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing emergency levels of hunger went from 1.7 million to seven million.

As the prospect of mass starvation in Sudan draws closer, the Adré closure has become a central focus of efforts by the United States, by far the largest donor, to ramp up the emergency aid effort. “This obstruction is completely unacceptable,” Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the United States ambassador to the U.N., recently told reporters. [...].

(Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/26/world/africa/sudan-starvation-militaryborder.html?te=1&nl=the-morning&emc=edit_nn_20240726 Acesso em 26/07/2024 às 9:30)

Between February, when the Adré border crossing was shut, and June, the number of people facing

Quem são os principais responsáveis pela obstrução da ajuda humanitária na fronteira de Adré, de acordo com o texto?
 

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Questão presente nas seguintes provas